03. Women’s reservation bill not a success, will lead to nepotism and proxy representation
What is your Opinion : Yes or No?
Why is it so? = Pick Pointers for your arguments
| Yes | No |
|---|---|
| Intention is not there. Execution hinges on the successful conclusion of a delimitation process set for 2026 — based on the most recent Census data obtained after the Bill’s enactment. = Defers the earliest possible year of its implementation to the 2029 general election. Does not provide women’s reservation in the Rajya Sabha and State Legislative Councils. | Women can bring unique skills and political strategies rooted in their life experiences, making them role models for future generations. The presence of women ensures fair negotiations and deliberations between genders on various issues, free from preconceived notions. This revitalises democracy. |
| SPractice of proxy-membership which gives entry to men through the backdoor is, but, the sad reality of women representation in local governments in India. Already seen in 73rd & 74th CAA : Men carry out the official work of the local body, relegating women representatives to mere proxies. The political power, thus, stays with the men rendering the constitutional amendment reserving seats for women ineffective. Politics will continue to be dominated by powerful political males, with reserved seats going to women in their families. Needless to say, this will make political participation a distant dream for women not related to political elites. | There are 82 women Member of Parliaments in LS (15.2%) and 31 women in RS(13%). While the number has increased significantly since the 1st Lok Sabha (5%) but is still far lower than in many countries. When examined in terms of the proportion of women candidates participating in the 2019 general election, their representation dwindles even further, reaching a meagre nine per cent. Among the state legislative assemblies, Chhattisgarh has the highest level of women legislators, at 18 per cent, while Himachal Pradesh has just one woman legislator and Mizoram has none. |
| Reservation could potentially restrict the choices available to votersstrong>. Apprehension that the societal exclusion of women for being incapable of running a political office may get further perpetuated. The potential consequence could be that women legislators get reduced to mere proxies for powerful men, lacking true autonomy and representation. Poor women's education and deep-rooted patriarchy contribute to this issue. Perpetuation of unequal status because they would be seen as not competing on merit. For instance, in the Constituent Assembly, Renuka Ray argued against reserving seats for women: “When there is reservation of seats for women, the question of their consideration for general seats, however competent they may be, does not usually arise. We feel that women will get more chances if the consideration is of ability alone.” | The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW)strong> provides that discrimination against women must be eliminated in political and public life. While India is a signatorystrong> to the Convention, discrimination in matters of representation of women in decision-making bodies has continued. According to recent UN Women data, Rwanda (61%), Cuba (53%), Nicaragua (52%) are the top three countries in women representation. Bangladesh (21%) and Pakistan (20%) as well are ahead of India in case of female representation. India needs to catch up big time. |
| Reservation would not lead to political empowerment of women because larger issues of electoral reforms such as measures to check criminalisation of politics, internal democracy in political parties, and influence of black money have not been addressed. And thus, it will lead to nepotism and proxy-representation. | The entry of a larger number of women representatives and the consequent reduction in male members will certainly reduce criminality. |
| Given the limited educational growth of rural and semi- rural female population, logic dictates that educational standards, that have been rising with each national election, may dip in the short term. Lack of experience among women in positions of power, may translate into lesser participation in parliamentary proceedings in the short term. | Even after decades of experience in democratic functioning, India stands far behind in gender equality in society and politics. The current Parliament comprises 15 per cent of women legislators, which is the highest number in its history. Presently, the Lok Sabha accommodates only 82 women members. In 2023, India’s Gender Gap Index highlighted a significant gender gap in political empowerment. The data suggests it would take approximately 162 years to achieve gender equality in this area, with a global closure rate of 22.1 per cent. Unless some sort of support is provided, these stats cant improve. |
| In 2019, there were 715 female candidates out of a total of 8,049 who fought elections for LS. Based on the same yardstick, the figure for female candidates in 2029 (after delimitation) may need a quantum jump from 715 to about 2,800. Will the nation throw up so many eligible female candidates in just 4-5 years? If it does, will they just make up the numbers or be actually qualified to represent their constituencies effectively? Will this see a deluge of female candidates belonging to existing politically strong families who may exploit this opportunity in the short term? Will it result in a large number of proxy female candidate who will be fronts for their husbands or other male members of their families? For the record, even today close to 28% women MPs in LS have serving or Ex MP/MLA spouses. Overall, above 50% have strong political family connections. | A suggested alternative to reservation is Dual Membership constituencies but it will have same pitfalls. Despite being suggested several times, it is difficult to say how foolproof dual member constituencies would be. Imagine a situation where two persons from the same party or same family return as winning candidates! That can hardly be considered truly representative! Let’s also not sideline the fact that two-member constituencies can put a huge financial and administrative burden on the exchequer. |
| Is reservation within reservations a valid argument? Is it not time to phase out reservations instead of adding to the list?strong> In the last seven decades, it is common knowledge that the reservation policies have failed to bring the backward and financially weaker sections of the nation to a level where they can compete equally with others. Over the years, reservations have become mere political tools to exploit the backward classes. As on date, the parliament has 84 reserved seats for Scheduled Castes and another 43 for Scheduled tribes. Out of the total 181 seats for women as per the new bill, 43 will be adjusted in these quotas and rest 138 will be available for general category. If further reservations are carved out for OBCs, as being demanded by the opposition, the general category will reduce further. Does all this not amount to discrimination against women from general category? | Gender reservation needs to be extended to other categories rather than trying to control it. All the pitfalls can only be overcome by more and more empowerment of women and their more and more involvement. We can’t wait just because there will be pitfalls of a reform. Similar legislation has been enacted in 64 other countries, ranging from Belgium to Rwanda. Rwanda’s 2003 constitution set a 30 per cent quota for women in elected positions, and 10 years later the country became the world’s leader for gender equality in politics, with women occupying 64 per cent of parliamentary seats. |
Some Additional Data Points You should know for opinion building :
128th Constitutional Amendment Bill Indian legislators passed the first legislation considered in the country’s new Parliament building: the Women’s Reservation Bill, 2023. The bill, which passed both houses of Parliament almost unanimously—with just two votes against—will ensure that women occupy at least 33 per cent of the seats in state legislative assemblies and the Lok Sabha, the lower house of Parliament. It will then remain as law for 15 years. Seats reserved for women will be rotated after each delimitation, as determined by a law made by Parliament. At the time of the bill’s passage, about 14 per cent of Lok Sabha legislators were women. While that represents India’s highest proportion since its independence, it was far below the global average of 26.5 per cent, or the Central and Southern Asia average of 19 per cent. Articles Introduced : 330A, 332A, 334A New Clause in 239AA
The journey for the Bill’s approval in Parliament took 27 years :
1996: First Women Reservation Bill was introduced in the Parliament. 1998 – 2003: Government tabled the Bill on 4 occasions but failed.
2009: Government tables the bill amid protests.
2010: The Union Cabinet passes the Bill and RS passes it. 2014: The Bill was expected to be tabled in LS
.The possibility of creating dual member constituencies has often been floated as a way of ensuring greater political participation for women. Simply put, under this system, a single constituency can return two members: one man and one woman. Between 1957-1960, the Kerala state assembly used to have dual member constituencies: One each for a member from the general category and a member from Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. However, after the passage of the Two-member Constituencies (Abolition) Act, 1961, all constituencies were made single member constituencies.
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Balanced Conclusion / Way Forward :
Reservation of one-third of seats for women in Parliament would restrict the choice of voters in the reserved constituencies. Two alternatives have been suggested by some experts: reservation for candidates within political parties; and dual member constituencies where some constituencies shall have two candidates, one being a woman.
India’s bold step sends a clear message to the world that the path to gender equality is not only essential, but attainable. Training women to join politics should include encouraging them to pursue higher education in subjects such as public policy, political science and law. Established women politicians could become mentors.
Increasing women's participation in decision-making at all levels of society by encouraging more women to run for office, appointing more deserving women to leadership positions, supporting women's organisations and networks (such as self-help groups) to provide support and resources, and advocate for women's rights and so on.
While reservation of seats for women is a noble step, we should remain cautious of the pitfalls. Without stricter regulation of political party behaviour, this Act may face a fate similar to that of the 73rd and 74th amendments to the Constitution. Whether or not the Women’s Reservation Act will bear fruit hinges on how much effective importance is given to women’s representation by political parties.
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